GRICE ED ORIO: NIETZSCHE ITALIANO

 PHILOSOPHICAL IRRATIONALISMAND ITALIAN FASCISM The influence of philosophical irrationalism upon Benito Mussolini was evident from the earliest years of his readings and studies. When he was in his early twenties, Mussolini read avidly from the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and SorelThe works of Karl Marx were also an influence on the young Mussolini, but the influence of Marx will not be dealt with in this study, as Marx is not a member of the irrational school of thought. One must remember from the outset that all of Mussolini's readings served only to enhance his own prag- matic theories,^ and that Mussolini valued action and experi- ence more than doctrine;^ nevertheless, the trend of Mussolini's thoughts and actions clearly shows that the greater part of whatever influence books and teachings had upon him falls within the realm of philosophical irrationalism. ^Christopher Hibbert, II Puce (Boston, Toronto, 1962), p. 9. 2Chester C. Maxey, Political Philosophies (New York, 1948), p. 639. •^Herman Finer, Mussolini's Italy (London, 1935). p. 21. ^Benito Mussolini, My Autobiography, translated by Richard Washburn Child (New York, 1928), pV 22. 51   • 5iJ Mussolini derived from the pessimistic philosophy of Schopenhauer and the irrational theories of Nietzsche and Sorel the basic idea that a human life as such has no sacred value. This evaluation of human existence was expressed by the Fascist theorist Giovanni Gentile, and J'ussolini heartily concurred with his spokesman.'* With this general attitude toward hu- manit3/, the more complex doctrines of Fascism attained greater palatability for Mussolini and his generation of Italians. The influence of Nietzsche on Mussolini is quite obvious. Certain passages from the two men's writings are almost inter- changeable. Nietzsche's ideas were perverted by Mussolini, and the Italian dictator used Nietzsche's terminology more than he used the true essence of Nietzsche's thoughts; however, the general influence of the German philosopher on Fascism remains apparent. In general, Nietzsche's concepts of the transvaluation of values, the eternal struggle for power, the moral value of violence, elitism, and the supremacy of the superman were the most important aspects of Nietzsche's phi- losophy that influenced Mussolini. Philosophical irrationalism in France contributed a great deal to the ideology of Fascism. Bergson's evaluation of the intellect as subservient to the unconscious drives of instinct was part of the basis for the political theories of ^Finer, oj>. cit.. p. 172.   c3 Soreland Mussolini once stated that Sorel was the strongest 7 influence on his theories of Fascism. II Duce was obviously influenced by Sorel's concept of the myth as a political expedient. Sorel's emphasis on the use of violence was another source of Mussolini*s doctrines. Mussolini borrowed the artic- ulate terminology of Sorel to describe his own system of Fascist terror, and it served to give this terror a facade of respect- ability.^ The pragmatism of William James, often associated with philosophical irrationalism in Europe, is another of the sources which Mussolini himself admitted as having influenced 9 his early thought. While many interesting possibilities exist in regard to an investigation of the influence of the American pragmatist upon Mussolini, the topic is not pertinent within the context of philosophical irrationalism as a phenom- enon peculiar to Continental Europe; James was not involved in the European despair and discontent which was interwoven with philosophical irrationalism. ^George Sabine, A History of Political Theory (New York, 1937), PP. *93-394. ~ ^James H. Meisel, "A Premature Fascist?—Sorel and Musso- lini," Western Political Quarterly. Ill (March, 1950), 14. 8Ibid., p. 15. 9 William K. Stewert, "The Mentors of Mussolini," American Political Science Review, XXII (November, 19^8), 845.   In general, Mussolini's thinking was greatly influenced by the wave of irrationalism which had swept the European intelligentsia of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This fact is important in two respects. Primarily, an under- standing of philosophical irrationalism provides an opportunity for an insight into Mussolini's thoughts. Many of the ir- rational concepts were incorporated in toto into the Fascist ideology. In addition to this, philosophical irrationalism in its several manifestations had imbued the post-World War generation with a detestation of the values of the current European order, and had originated new possibilities for trans- forming these values into something more worthwhileThis gave Mussolini a whole generation of dissatisfied and dis- illusioned Italians to mold into Fascists, and it also afford- ed him the advantage of speaking to this culture in terms which it already understood and held faith in. The development of philosophical, irrationalism in Conti- nental Europe permeated philosophy and political thought in Italy. Responsible Hegelianism, represented in Italy by the venerable Benedetto Croce, was a polemical anathema to any philosophy espousing myths and the blind struggle for power as determinents in the course of history.^ Mussolini and 10 Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York, 1951), pp. 320-3217 ^Sabine, op. cit.. p. 897 and p. 899.   his spokesmen used Hegelian terminology as an ad hoc ration- alization for totalitarian terror.1* The irrational theories of action, elitism, and instinctual knowledge are more philos- ophically congruent with Fascist thought, and that part of Italy's intelligentsia which acknowledged this symmetry were at least on firmer ground philosophically than the Fascist Hegelians. The segment of Italy's scholarly community which contributed to the irrational doctrines of Fascism was in- exorably linked in both thought and action to the politics of Benito Mussolini. Several Italian men of letters owed a debt to philosophical irrationalism, and some of these scholars' theories were woven into the attitudes of Mussolini. This connection between the irrationalism of part of Italy's intelligentsia and the career of II Duce represents yet another link in the chain of thought reaching from philos- ophical irrationalism in Continental Europe to the dictatorial terror of Italian Fascism. Reactionary authoritarianism had been promoted by many Italian intellectuals around the turn of the century. The Nationalist Party was founded by intellectuals of this poli- tical posture. The Nationalist Party favored imperialism and opposed democratic representative government. Among the members of this party were the philosopher Alfredo Rocco and 12Ibid.. p. 699. 55   56 the poet Gabriele D'Annunzio. Rocco later became a prominent Fascist spokesman. D'Annunzio was the most renowned literary 13 figure in Italy. This reactionary poet fed the Fascist myth with exaggerated expressions of the glories of ancient Rome and incorrect racial doctrines concerning the origin of the 14 Italian people. in the growth of Italian extremism, and in 1919 he was joined by Mussolini in the loosely-knit Nationalistic movement which solidified into the Fascist Party. Prior to his active participation in the Fascist drive to power, Mussolini traveled and studied in Switzerland. The future dictator, still in his early twenties, attended lectures given at Lausanne by the respected social economist Vilfredo Pareto.^ Pareto's social theories had strong overtones of irrationalism, and his primary emphasis was on the prepon- derance of irrational human behavior within the political process. This irrational conduct, according to Pareto, mani- fests itself in various "residues" such as traditional mores, folkways, political ideologies, and established social values. 13 ^S. William Halperin, Mussolini and Italian Fascism (Princeton, 1964), p. 15- 14 William Bolitho, Italy under Mussolini {New York, 1926), p. 47. ^Halperin, op. cit.. p. 2$. ^Wilhela Grenzmann, "Nietzsche and National Socialism," The Third Reich, edited by Maurice Baumont, John H. E. Fried, and Edaond Venniel (New Tork, 1955), p° 21o. D'Annunzio became a popular rabble-rouser   57 The course of events in any society is characterized by con- stant conflict, and order is achieved only when an elite governing class exercises control over the irresponsible masses. The elite gains control and exercises power through a combina- tion of force and the use of the "residues," which adopt a 17 mythological character. These theories of Pareto were a strong influence on the youthful Mussolini. He was especially impressed by Pareto's emphasis on the elite as the only body capable of restoring and preserving the social order that X8 incompetent administrators had allowed to disintegrate. Pareto and Sorel shared the ideas of elitism, myths, and 19 the use of force as integral parts of social existence. Mussolini's admitted respect for Sorel as a teacher correlates with the avid interest of Mussolini in the lectures of Pareto. The common irrational theories, especially those of Pareto con- cerning the use of force for political purposes, made a lasting *0 impression on Mussolini. Pareto and Mussolini came to respect each other's ideas in a reciprocal manner. Less than ten years after Mussolini attended Pareto's lectures, the 17 Ibid., p. *11. ^Maxey, op. cit., p. 6*5. 19 Grenzmann, op. cit.. p. *16. *0 Grenzmann, oj>. cit., p. *16.   58 renowned social economist was writing articles which lauded Fascism. Mussolini returned this common ideological ad- miration by appointing Pareto to a seat in the Fascist Senate 21 in 1923- active participant in the totalitarian regime of Mussolini. Professor Alfredo Rocco's involvement in reactionary and extremist political movements culminated in his role as an important Fascist governmental official and spokesman. Rocco helped found the nationalistic journal Politica. which published 22 The respected academician ended his days as an serious scholarly articles by Nationalistic theorists. was named Under-Secretary of the Treasury by Mussolini in the 23 first Fascist government, ' and he eventually became the •%I Fascist Minister of Justice. address expressing the basic statement of doctrine formed Fascism. It was later reiterated and expanded by II Duce and his other Fascist spokesmen. In 1925 Rocco delivered an tenets of Fascism. This initial the basis of the philosophy of Rocco's Fascist Manifesto, entitled The Political Doctrine of Fascism, incorporates the arbitrary ideas of the movement 21 Finer, op. cit., p. 28. 22Herbert W. Schneider and Shepard B. Clough. Making Fascists (Chicago, 1929)» p. 169. 23 Roy MacGregor-Hastle, The Day of the Lion (New York. 1963), p. 132. 2L. Schneider and Clough, op. cit., p. 133. Rocco   into a single body of thought. This document contains numerous reverberations of philosophical irrationalism, and interwoven with these reverberations are most of the concepts of Italian Fascism. The relationship is so close that the two schools of thought are, in most cases, indistinguishable from each other. Rocco proclaims the value of emotional and instinctual action which is so reminiscent of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Bergson, and Sorel: . . . Fascism is, above all else, action and senti- ment . . . Were it otherwise, it could not keep up that immense driving force, that renovating power which it now possesses . . . Only because it is feeling and sentiment, only because it is the un- conscious reawakening of our profound racial instinct, has,.it the force to stir the soul of the people . . . ? The biological nature of man's participation in society, a concept emphasized by Nietzsche, Bergson, and Sorel, is used by Rocco as a justification for the subordination of human beings to the growth of the Fascist state. He says that individual men and groups of men are given life by the organic nation, and that the development of tftie nation results in a greater collective life and growth that transcends the existence of mere individuals. The individual existence has Alfredo Rocco, excerpts from The Political Doctrine of Fascism, reprinted in Communism. Fascism, and Democracy, edited by Carl Cbhen (New York, 1963), p. 335. 59   value only in the contribution which it makes to the life of 26 the organic state. The valuation of man as an element that must contribute to the growth of the state culminates in the justification and glorification of war. The survival and improvement of the organic nation require a sacrifice which may be inimical to the interests of an individual. The sacrifice and destruction of individuals in war are necessary for the sustenance of the 27 nation. The negation of an individual's worth necessitates the existence of an elite force to govern society. The masses are too involved in their own selfish interests to be trusted with the reins of government. Only a chosen few are capable of ignoring their own interests and devoting their lives to the greater needs of the whole society. There exists in each culture a natural elite which, because of its superior intelligence and cultural background, is capable of administer- ing the governmental functions of a nation. The most important gift of this elite is its ability to decide matters of state 26 through instinct and intuition. almost identical to that found in the philosophies of Sorel and 26 Ibid.« p. 342. 27Ibid.. p. 343. OA Ibid., pp. 345-346. This theory of elitism is 60   Pareto, and the members of the theoretical elite bear a striking resemblance to Nietzsche's superman and Schopen- hauer's creative genius. The collective life of the individual, according to Rocco, makes him an active participant in the panorama of Italian history. The individual is sustained by the myth of Imperial Rome. The authority of the state and the primacy of its ends constitute the legacy of Rome. Rome was the greatest and most powerful state in the history of the world, and it maintained its eminence through the sacrifice of its citizens' blood and its citizens' lives. The myth of Imperial Rome is rejuvenated and sustained by Fascism; Rocco admonished the Italian people to honor their heritage: . . . Fascism . . . was to restore Italian thought in the sphere of political doctrine to its own traditions which are the traditions of Rome . . . after the hour of sacrifice comes the hour of unyielding efforts. To our work, then, fellow countrymen, for the glory of Italy ^ 9 Rocco obviously took heed of the theories of Sorel and Pareto on the necessity of a myth to inspire a people. Rocco's The Political Doctrine of Fascism reflects the obvious influence of philosophical irrationalism. In this Fascist document are echoes of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Bergson, Sorel and Pareto. The concepts of blind, struggling *9Ibid.. pp. 34S-349. 61   will as a sustainer of life, the biological nature of man, the value of instinct over the intellect, elitism, and the myth are the same in irrational theory and in Rocco's state- ment. The Political Doctrine of Fascism is an excellent illustration of the debt which Fascist thought owes to philos- ophical irrationalism and its primary spokesmen. The Fascist movement had no dearth of gifted spokesmen for its doctrines. The Italian philosopher Giovanni Gentile contributed to the theory and practice of Mussolini's totali- tarian ideology. Gentile was educated at the University of Pisa, and he taught at the universities of Palermo, Pisa, Naples, and.iRome. Gentile served in several capacities within the Fascist regime, and he was eventually appointed as Minister 30 of Education. irrationalists, and his writings reflect the use of these two philosophies for Fascist propaganda. His Philosophic Basis of Fascism reflects the influence of philosophical irrationalism on the Fascist ideology. In the Philosophic Basis of Fascism. Gentile elaborated the Fascist concept of the relativity of values. Despite the fact that a given Fascist program might be based on a specific idea or concept, that idea would be abandoned as soon as the 30 David Cooperman and E. V. Walter, Power and Civilization (New York, 1962), p. 260. Gentile was influenced by both Hegel and the 62   63 need arose. No idea is of lasting significance, and its value is measured only by the degree to which it furthers the Fascist 31 program. the needs of the Fascist state demand it, according to Gentile. The value of instinct is greater than that of reason, and this necessarily makes Fascism anti-intellectual. Gentile expresses this anti-intellectualism by saying that Fascism is: . . . hostile to all science and all philosophy which remain matters of mere fancy or intelligence . . . By virtue of its repugnance for intellectualism, Fascism prefers not to waste time constructing abstract theories about itself. . There is scant need for intellectualism in a system in which the dictator makes all the decisions for the state on impulse. This is the function of II Duce; his ideals consist of what- ever arbitrary decision he makes at any given moment, and his decisions made instinctively are the supreme law of the 33 nation. The myth of the nation's supremacy causes the individual to be of no value except in his function as an appendage of the Fascist state. He realizes his existence only through 31 Giovanni Gentile, excerpts from The Philosophic Basis of Fascism, reprinted in Power and Civilization, edited by David Cooperman and E. V. Walter (New York, 196^), p. ^61. 3*Ibid.. pp. 261-262. 33Ibid.. p. 261. The "transvaluation of values" is exercised when   the state, and he is only a consequence of the life and growth of the state. The state controls him and decides for hirn the course of his life. The individual has no freedom except in his role in the organic state. The state binds him to this 34 position, and in it he lives and dies. Gentile's Philosophic Basis of Fascism contains the same irrational overtones found in other Fascist documents; it seems, however, to express more fully the negation of the individual. This negation of the individual became more pronounced as the Fascist government entrenched itself in power, and the irra- tional base of its ideology was expressed with increasing authority over the individual. Perhaps the deepest exploration into Fascist ideology was attempted by the Italian philosopher Mario Palmieri in his 'book The Philosophy of Fascism published in 1936. This work, completed when Italian Fascism had reached a certain degree of maturity, involves a deeper insight into Fascism than most of the other works of Mussolini's spokesmen; it contains, however, the same basic doctrines which bear the stamp of philosophic irrationalism. Palmieri elaborates the values of the Roman Empire in eloquent language. He says that the legacy of Rome is authority, law, and order, and that Rome must again be the center of civilization which dispenses morality and virtue to the rest Ibid., pp. 262-263. 64   of the world. This is th® historic aissioe @f lapsrial Home, and it aust be fulfilled.3^ The masses, states Palmier!, are not capable of governing themselves, this being due to the fact that they cannot under- stand " . . . the ultimate reality of the universe . . « which does not reveal itself indiscriminately. . . «, This "ultimate reality" may only be understood by a superior leader. Palmieri describes the leader in colorful language: ,..thedivineessenceofthehero... ofthe soul . . . is in a more direct, a more immediate relationship with the fountain-head of all knowl- edge, all wisdom, all love. . . Man has wandered astray for many centuries, and civili- sation has seta darkness due to the lack of authority, law, and order. Despite this disorientation of mankind, the ideas and moral values of Rome have continued to exist. It is through dictatorial Fascism that Imperial Rome will be re- born and end the woes of humanity; in fact, ". . . Fascism may finally furnish man with the long sought solution to the riddle of life.38 35 Mario Palmieri, excerpts from The Philosophy of Fascism, reprinted in Communism. Fascism and Democracy. editeH~"by Carl Cohen (New York, 1963), p. 385. 36 Ibid., pp. 37^-373. 37Ibid.. p. 37S. 65   66 Palraieri carries the Roman myth to an extreme, ana within his romantic ideal of Fascism the ideas which originated in Continental European irrationalism take on the color of a holy- crusade; however, Palroieri's work is merely another contribution to the Fascist attempt to cloak violence with an aura of respectability. The Philosophy of Fascism, extolling the same "values" which wreaked havoc on a generation of Europeans, is a vivid documentation of the influence of philosophical irra- tionalism upon Italian Fascism. While Italian Fascism had numerous gifted spokesmen, the preponderance of responsibility for the creation of its doc- trines belongs necessarily to Benito Mussolini. History points to II Duce as the most important individual man in the era of Italian Fascism. Mussolini, as an agent of history, was largely responsible for the propagation and ascendency to power of the Fascist movement. Throughout the course of this ascent, Mussolini's political pronouncements, political speeches, and his autobiography document his intellectual debt to Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, Bergson, Sorel, Pareto, and the entire body of European philosophical irrationalism. The expressions of the dictator's thoughts are living proof of his debt to philosophical irrationalism. The influence of the philosophies of eternal cosmic con- flict is overtly evident in the writings and speeches of Mussolini. The following passage is taken from a speech made in 1920 while Mussolini was still involved in the struggle for   political power; the words of this speech could almost be mistaken for an excerpt from Nietzsche's Will to Power: Struggle is at the bottom of everything . . . struggle will always be at the root of human nature ... it is a good thing that it is so . . . the day in which all struggle will cease will be a day of melancholy, will mean the end of all things, will mean ruin. . . 39 Struggle and conflict, in the opinion of Mussolini, are integral parts of human existence. The endless struggle for survival and power is reflected in the vital biological nature of man's social and political actions, according to Nietzsche, Bergson, and Sorel. This concept echoes through the words of Mussolini, and is used to justify the individual's role as biological necessity for the nation. In The Doctrine of Fascism, which is Mussolini's written program of the aims of the Fascist movement, one of the stated goals is to ". . . make the people organically one with the nation . . so that the state may use them to achieve its ends. Mussolini is constant in his belief that the people must be used to nourish the state. They are, says Mussolini in his autobiography, " . . . the vital food needed to reach greatness. . . Individuals are the food and •^Benito Mussolini, "The Tasks of Fascismo." Mussolini as Revealed in his Political Speeches. translated and edited by Bernardo Q. di San Severino (London and Toronto, 19*3), p. 11*. 40 Benito Mussolini, The Doctrine of Fascism (Firenze, 1936), p. 43 ^Mussolini, Autobiography, pp. 57-5$. 67   blood of the body politic, and as such are entirely dispens- able to the process of the growth and sustenance of the or- ganic state. The organic state, which is nourished by the sacrifice of individuals, is susceptible to infection like any living body. In the Fascist state controlled by Mussolini, infection consists of any political dissent. II Duce had a cure for this type of illness. Speaking of Fascist violence in his regime, Mussolini said: . . . It was necessary to cauterize the virulent wounds to have strength . . ".It was necessary to curb political dissent. . . The "health" of the organic state depended on the constant vigilence of Fascism against political opposition. Fascism, wrote Mussolini, " . . . has to perform surgery—and major operation against succession . . ."^3 Thus Mussolini corrupted the theories of man's biological nature in order to justify totalitarian terror. Nietzsche *s theory of the "transvaluation of values'' which he based in part on the nature of man within the eternal biological struggle in a turbulent cosmos, influeijced Mussolini while he was still in his twenties.^ This influ- 42Ibid.. p. 205. 43Ibid.. p. 296. 44 Stewert, og. cit., p. 849. 6f   ence is evident throughout Mussolini's writings and speeches. He constantly emphasized the need to abolish traditional morality and replace it with the arbitrary values of his re- fine. The Fascist state is endowed with a supreme will, and 45 is therefore ethical unto itself. The state must not clinc to traditional values 16st its progress be impaired,46 Brotherly love, humanitarianism, and symphatetic kindness are 47 inferior to other values of a higher nature. The higher values espoused by Mussolini resemble the hearty, pagan values that Nietzsche advocated. These values involve conflict, the shedding of blood, and dying, and they are morally justifiable 43 when done in the service of the Fascist nation. The concept of the "transvaluation of values" contributed to Mussolini's doctrine the idea that violence and bloodshed are not only morally justifiable but are the highest virtues to which a people may aspire. The influence of the theories of Sorel and Pareto in regard to the use of violence for political purposes is reflected in the writings aid speeches of Mussolini. The 45 Mussolini, Doctrine of Fascism, p. 39. 46 Ibid., p. 56. ^Mussolini, "Either War or the End of Italy's Name as a Great Power," Speeches, p. 10. 48 Mussolini, Autobiography. p. 128 69   Italian despot had found in Nietzsche a moral justification for the use of violence. This enabled Mussolini to claim AQ that " . . . violence has a deep moral significance . . .' ' In addition to this moral justification, Mussolini could alsc rationalize the use of violence as a legitimate and even desirable expedient within the political process; his mentors Sorel and Pareto had ascribed this role to violence in politics and society. The excesses of Fascist terror were excused as being morally valuable and of logical political necessity. In a speech a Milan in October of 19^2, Mussolini described the relationship between his party and its political opponents: . . . the Fascisti have gone forth to destroy with fire and sword the haunts of the cowardly Social- Communist delinquents . . . This is violence . . . of which I approve . . . and uphold . . . It is necessary, when the moment comes, to strike with the utmost decision and without pity. . . War is the ultimate expression of bloodshed and violence, and Mussolini accordingly placed the highest esteem upon war. It enabled him to gain "I . . an understanding of the essences «51 of mankind."-^ n Duce's adoration of war became an integral part of the theories of Fascism, and in the official Doctrine 49Ibid.. p. 121. ^Mussolini, "The Fascisti Dawning of New Italy," Speeches, pp. 161-162. ''^Mussolini, Autobiography, p. 59. 70   o_T Fascism, Mussolini expressed the hi/rh regard which Fascism has for war: . . . V/ar alone keys up all human energies to their maximum tension and sets seal of nobility upon those- peoples who have the courage to face it. . . All doctrines which postulate peace at all costs are incompatible with Fascism. . . .*2 The conflagration v/hich visited tragedy upon millions of Europeans was made more acceptable by Fascism's theory of war, a theory which is the logical outcome of placing a moral and political value on the shedding of human blood. The question comes to mind as to who may decide the time and degree of the use of violence, and Mussolini's speech to the citizens of Bologna in the spring of 1921 provides an answer. The moral and politically expedient violence of the state, said Mussolini, " . . . must have a character and style of its own, definitely aristocratic . . . The "aristo- cratic" bloodletting of the Mussolini regime was administered by a group of "aristocrats" well suited to the task—". . . the Fascist!, whom I considered and considerthe aristocracy ofItaly ... The Fascist Party that Mussolini considered to be his own aristocracy (or elite) owed much to the terrorist squads that 'Mussolini, Doctrine of Fascism, p. 2 7 . -^Mussolini, "How Fascismo was Created," Speeches, p. 13®< ^Mussolini, Autobiography. pp. 155-156. 71   7y i +** aided the party in its rise to power. Mussolini held these crude street fighters, the "Black Shirts," in especially high esteem. After he had gained total power in Italy, Mussolini refused to consider suggestions to the effect that he disband his elite brawlers who had, as he stated, ". . .a deep, blind, c, and absolute devotion. . .v"' Their intrinsic merit sprung from the fact that these brawling hooligans through intuition and in r. . . their instinct . . . were led not only by strength 56 and courage, but by a sense of political virtue. . first elite to be inspired by philosophical irrationalism were the Black Shirts of Fascist Italy. Mussolini's elite possessed the hearty pagan values of Nietzsche, and true to the theories of Pareto and Sorel, they used violence as a political expedient to raise their party to power. Mussolini was brutally frank in expressing the function of his elite. Their task, he wrote, was . that of ruling 57 II Duce's elite began by using violence as a means to attain power, and they continued to use it"to maintain themselves in power. This development was not out of keeping with the concept of values which characterizes the irrational doc- trines of Fascism. 55Ibid.. p. *07. 56Ibid. 57Ibid.. p. 132 the nation . . . by violence, for the conquest of power." The   The elite which rules by force must have a sense of di- rection, even though its action is arbitrarily guided to the attainment of divergent goals. Mussolini traced the pattern of this guidance in describing how victory was achieved by the Fascisti. The group intuitively realizes the necessity of violent action, and it readies itself to strike. When the moment to attack has come, the instinct of the leader has al- ready made victory inevitable. He has organized his men for battle and his intuition has provided him with the proper strategy by which his forces may emerge triumphant. Success through violence is achieved when the elite forces, led by the instinct of their duce, crush the opposition. At this particular juncture in the description of Mussolini's thought, a combination of several ideas originat- ing in philosophical irrationalism may be observed. The superiority of the instinct over the intellect, the effective- ness of the elite, the value of the forceful pagan virtues, such as heroism and bloodshed, the use of force, and the power of the leader are all component tenets of Mussolini's doctrine. They culminate and are fused together in Mussolini's attitude toward himself as the embodiment of the principles of power. Mussolini firmly believed in his own indispensability to Fascism. In regard to the Party's debt to its leader, Mussolini wrote: 58 Ibid., p. 124. 73   . . . the party could not have existed and lived and could not be triumphant except under my command, my guidance, my support and my spurs.59 Mussolini felt that the Party and the State were inexorably bound to him. He believed himself to be the vessel of the 60 moral and spiritual powers of the state. Mussolini's image of himself was developed under the influence of the elitist theories and Nietzsche's concept of the superman. Mussolini shared with Nietzsche a contempt for the European bourgeoisie, and Mussolini blamed the philistine middle-class for all of the social problems which plagued European society. Italy's deliverance from this situation had been contingent upon her willingness to shed her blood, and the prospects for this occurring were hampered by the cowardice of the middle-class bourgeoisie.^" Mussolini's instinct told him that " . . . Italy would be saved by one historic agency . . . righteous force . . .*62 The one in- dividual capable of guiding the nation in its historic quest for power was, Mussolini knew, himself. The victory of his party and the regeneration of Italy had been achieved, ac- 59Ibid.. p. 144. ^Mussolini, Doctrine of Fascism, p. 58. ^Mussolini, Autobiography, p. 21. 6*Ibid.. p. 120. ?k   75 cording to Mussolini, because "Violence . . . had been con- trolled by my will."^ Mussolini solidified the totalitarian Fascist regime by actualizing his irrational theories of instinctive action, elitism, and violence. II Duce blended these various themes together to create, true to his mentor Sorel, the myth of Imperial Rome. This myth held that a violent reformation of civilization would be achieved through the rebirth of Imperial Rome. In a speech in Trieste in 1920, Mussolini laid the groundwork for his myth. He spoke of Rome's illustrious history as the leader of world civilization, and stated that the task of Fascism must be to recreate this Empire to fulfill the Italian destiny of world leadershipFascism alone could fuse the values of ancient Rone with the reality of current political trends, for " . . . it is a-faith. It is one of those spiritual forces which renovates the history of great and 6s enduring peoples." ' Mussolini continued to dwell on the theme of Imperial restoration throughout the years in which he held power. The creation of this Roman myth, a tactic reminiscent of the theories of Sorel and Pareto, was used to sustain a people who were suffering from the actualization of other less glorius irrational theories. 63Ibid.. p. 29B. ^Mussolini, "The tasks of Fascismo," Speeches, p. 113. ^^Mussolini.Autobiography, p. 241.   While the Imperial myth was an abstract and Romantic ideal, the concepts of syndicalism and the corporate state bore some resemblance to Mussolini*s economic dictatorship. II Duce acknowledged Sorel's ideas of the syndicalist myth as 66 a source of Italian syndicalism. In a statement made at the founding of the Fasci di Combattimento. Mussolini ex- pressed the necessity of corporate syndicalism as opposed to representative government. Democratic representation, he stated, is less acceptable and effective than direct repre- 67 sentation of economic interests before the Government. The idea of Italian syndicalism, while closer to reality than the chauvinistic Imperial myth, was nevertheless another means for perpetuating authoritarianism. Based on Sorel*s philosophy of the irrational myth, it served as a facade for the dictatorial control of Italy*s industries and unions. In retrospect, the influence of philosophical irrational- sim on Italian Fascism in general and upon Mussolini in particular is undeniably and overwhelmingly significant. A question exists as to what extent Mussolini followed the doc- trines from which he drew, and to what degree he used them for ad hoc rationalizations for totalitarian violence. An answer may lie in the juxtaposition of two of the dictator's pro- nouncements within the same year. On June 8th, 1923, Mussolini ^^Mussolini, Doctrine of Fascism, pp. 21-22. 67Ibid.. p. 24. 76   made the following statement before the Italian Senate: . . . The more I know the Italian people, the more I bow before it . . . The more I come into deeper touch with the Italian masses, the more I feel that they are really worthy of the respect of all the representatives of the nation . . . it would not matter if I lost my life, and I should not consider it a greater sacrifice than is due. My ambition isthis: IwishtomaketheItalianpeoplestrong, prosperous, great and free . . . ."° Eight months before this speech, Mussolini had said: The masses are a herd, and as a herd they are at the mercy of primordial instincts and impulses. The masses are without continuity. . . . They are, in short, matter, not spirit. We must pull down his Holiness the Mob from the altars erected by the demos. " Using the conduct of the Fascist Government as a yard- stick by which to measure the sincerity of the public state- ments made by Mussolini, it is feasible to conclude that the Italian Senate was treated to an enactment of Mussolini's belief in the relativity of values in relation to the political gain to be derived thereof. The second statement is quite in keeping with Mussolini's adherence to elitism. Neither of his statements is out of keeping with the doctrines which he promulgated. The fact that this paradoxical situation is possible does not speak well for the theories upon which, misinterpretations and rationalizations notwithstanding, __ 69 Laura Fermi, Mussolini (Chicago. 1961), p. 68 Mussolini, "The Internal Policy," Speeches, p. 319. 77   Mussolini based his doctrines. Fascism is not far removed from philosophical irrationalism, one of the dominant philos- ophies of the period. Mussolini may be looked upon as an oppressor of the Italian people. II Duce's foreign and domestic policies cer- tainly visited bloodshed and death to the masses of Italy and other nations as well. One must remember, however, that Mussolini's speeches advocating violence, elitism, and sub- servience to the state were cheered by millions of Italians during his regime. Members of all the various classes within Italy supported Mussolini's drive to power. This support is quite understandable in view of the fact that their leader spoke to them in terms which had permeated their intellectual milieu for almost a century.